A Look into the Women's Movement in Iraq more

A Look into the Women’s Movement in Iraq Keywords Iraq, Iraqi women, women’s history, women’s movement in Iraq, economic sanctions and women, CEDAW and Iraq, status of Iraqi women, human rights of women Abstract Iraqi women, like all women in the world, should have a voice in their country, especially now after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime. Here in this paper, we try to have a look at the history of women’s activities in Iraq for the promotion of their status, their situation in different periods, and the exiting perspectives for women in Iraq. Introduction Iraq, an ancient land, with a history of several thousands of years, is regarded as the cradle of civilization. Mesopotamia region, being once the civilization of Sumer (around 3000 BC) with its city states and developed systems of irrigation, trade and writing, was of great attraction for any power to invade the region. It was conquered by Cyrus the Great in 538 BC and then by Alexander the Great in 331 BC. In 637, Muslim Arabs defeated the Iranian Sassanids, and Mesopotamia was overtaken after only one year. In that time, Baghdad was changed into one of the main and significant capitals of Islamic world during early Islamic period. Mongols looted Iraq in 1258 and during the centuries, Iraq was conquered by Persian emperors, Ottomans and Turks. During the World War I, the English troops occupied this country. It was in 1920 that United Kingdom received a mandate over Iraq and the period of British colonialism started in Iraq. During the years Farzaneh 54 Vol. 6 No. 11 of 1921 to 1933, Emir Fayçal I who was installed as king, had to leave Syria, pushed out by the French army. In 1932, the monarchy became formally "independent," but with the United Kingdom' right preserved to s keep bases and imposed its views in important matters. After World War II, oil, a most important resource, was at the center of national and international disputes. Land reform, another important matter nationally speaking, was urgently needed. In 1941, military-nationalist coup by Rachid `Ali al-Kylani occured, but Abd Allah, Fayçal' uncle, s was installed as regent by the British (1939-1958). People showed their anti-monarchic and nationalist fervor during this period. In 1952, when Nasser became president of Egypt and also in 1956, during Suez crisis, Iraq government was with the United Kingdom and supported by the United States (anti-USSR strategy of encirclement, with Turkey as pin in the region). It allied itself with the Hashemite kingdom of Jordan. On July 14, 1958, Kassem and a group of officers (about 200) removed the king (he was assassinated, together with the regent and Nuri es-Said, the regime' strong man) and established a republic and approached with the s ex-USSR and Egypt. Certain economic reforms happened. But the regime became rapidly a dictatorship. In 1963, the bloody coup by the Baath shaped, and General Abd al-Salem Aref came in power. In 1968, another coup was directed by al-Bakr. It was in this time that nationalization of the Iraq Petroleum company happened. In 1979, al-Bakr was replaced as president and head of the Baathist party by Saddam Hussein, who was the initiator of eight-year war against Iran. Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990 that led to Persian Gulf war and US attacked this country and comprehensive economic sanctions for a period of twelve years started. Saddam Hussain was toppled during the second war of US and her allies in 2003. Women Move During the Ottoman domination on Iraq, the Iraqi women were not enjoying equal rights with men. In 19th Century, the Turks started a series of reformist activities for women, however only a few women living in the cities belonging to the rich classes were affected. In the last years of 1920s, The Turks installed a modern rights system that considered certain advantages for women. When the British started their role on Iraq, the governorship was not interested in equality of women’s rights, and even obstructed the extension of reformism in Iraq. In 1931, the British rulers announced that education was not good for girls, since they could not have A look the women’s movement in Iraq 55 Farzaneh their own life within the tribes. However, the people pushed the government to accept the right to education for girls. The women participated actively against UK’s occupation in 1920. They assisted in collecting contributions, and even provided food for the rioters. They created a support group in Baghdad; they collected a series of signatures and requested for freedom of Iraqi prisoners. Aswa Zahawi was a woman leader during 1920s who started to publish a journal entitled Leila to address right to education and employment rights for women. In 1930s, once more, the women’s movement reshaped, and new women’s journals were published such as Modern Woman and Arab Woman. The English and Iraqi authorities reacted since they could not tolerate such activities. When Rashid Ali’s coup happened, an anti-fascism women’s society was organized. During the decades 40s and 50s, women were active in their struggle to defend their rights. In 1952, the Union of Women’s Rights was established to realize democracy, national freedom and welfare for children and women’s rights. The Union was not recognized by authorities supporting British colonialists. However, on 29 December 1958, the Union was recognized and its first meeting was held on 8 of March 1959. In 1959, Naziha Dulaimi, the head of the Union was selected to the Ministry of Municipalities. She was the first woman in Arab world to gain such high position. Membership in the Union increased to 42000 people, however in 1960s, there was a change in the policies, the regime became more and more dictatorship. Most branches of the Union were closed down. Three women were arrested and then condemned to death, but under the pressure of international community, were released from prison. During this time, Baath party only allowed the existence and activities done by the General Federation of Iraqi Women (GFIW) that worked under strict governmental control. Membership in any other women’s organizations was regarded as a crime. According to the Act 139 approved by the Revolutionary Council on 19 December 1972, the main functions of the Federation has to be mobilization of Iraqi women to fight against imperialism, Zionism, reactionary trends, and backwardness, a goal more privileged than the promotion of women’s status in Iraq. In 1980s, women were 46% of all teachers, 29% of physicians, 46% of dentists, 70% of pharmacists, 15% of factory workers, and 16% of governmental employees. Farzaneh 56 Vol. 6 No. 11 During this period (1970s), there were some changes in the laws. In 1978, a law was approved that permitted a judge to vote against a father’s will for early marriage of his daughter. The forced marriages were announced illegal and the minimum age of marriage increased. If divorce was relatively easy for a man, it was so impossible for a woman to get a divorce. The polygamy was permitted provided that the first wife allowed such marriage. Also, women were permitted to join the armed forces. In summary, we can assume that the democratization of the status of Iraqi women started after 1960s. However, It seemed that mostly there have been imposed patterns from up to down rather than the gains achieved through a long history of women’s struggle for having access to opportunities or equality. Part of such democratization was emerged as a result of Iraq’s economy that was booming up on oil sales. The country’s growing wealth allowed the establishment of a comprehensive social welfare system during the 1970s. In 1989, the oil sector contributed to 61% of the Gross Domestic Product. A UN report, issued in October 1991, described Iraq in the early and mid 1980s as a state which was rapidly approaching the standards of developed countries, with an elaborate public health care and education system, a modern telecommunication network, 24 electrical power plants, sophisticated water treatment facilities and potable water for the large majority of the population. Two thirds of the country’s food commodities as well as a considerable proportion of technical and medical equipment were imported. One can easily conclude why such gains for women were not sustained and they were diminished when the system changed, especially, during Iran-Iraq war, while the regime was under a great pressure and therefore, to control women and have them as a silent part of the population, little by little more patriarchal traditions prevailed. Impacts of Sanctions on Iraqi women The most important characteristics of this period was a total deterioration in the status of women in the absence of a powerful women’s movement inside the country. Women were the real victims of war and sanctions. The worse economic situation affected on their health and educational needs. A movement shaped in exile to assist women and children in Iraq, in assistance with certain famous Iraqi women in USA and UK and some international foundations, and certain non-governmental organizations, to not only to struggle against sanctions through campaigning, preparation of A look the women’s movement in Iraq 57 Farzaneh reports and collection of signatures to influence the international community, but to assist the women and children as well. This part of Iraq’s is high-lightened with this country’s invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 as a result of a series of disputes between the two countries over borders and access to oil fields. The United Nations imposed comprehensive economic sanctions immediately after the occupation, in order to force Iraq to withdraw. Security Council Resolution 661 of August 1990 barred all imports from and exports to Iraq, except medical supplies, foodstuff and other items of humanitarian need, as determined by the Security Council Sanctions Committee. Iraq’s refusal to withdraw from Kuwait led to the Gulf War in January 1991. Within 6 weeks, US Army (supported by an alliance of 33 nations) destroyed not only Iraq’s military facilities but also essential components of the country’s infrastructure. An estimated 250.000 Iraqis died, and Iraq had to give up its occupation of Kuwait. The trade sanctions were, however, subsequently maintained. Two major reasons have been quoted for their continuation: Iraq’s non-compliance with consequent UN resolutions which demanded the annihilation of all Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, and the continuation of the country’s leadership by Saddam Hussein. Continuous conflicts between Iraq and the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) overseeing the disarmament, led to UNSCOM’s expulsion from the country by the Iraqi government in December 1998 and consequent four-day bombings by the US and Great Britain. 1999 saw a continuous struggle between the UN and Iraq about the application of the UN resolutions, which resulted finally in Security Council Resolution 1284 of December 17th, 1999. This resolution proposed a renewable suspension of the economic sanctions in exchange for Iraq’s cooperation with a new weapon inspections body (UNMOVIC) and the International Atomic Energy Agency, which had been responsible since 1990 for verifying the absence of nuclear weapons programmes in the country. At last, it finished to the second war of US and her allies in 2003 that made Saddam Hussein to leave the country. During the whole period of 1991-2003, women, who had gained a great deal during the period of 1958-1978, were the most endangered by the war and sanctions. These sanctions created wild inflation that shut down the whole economy, brought on massive unemployment, and cut off revenue to the public sector, the largest employer of women. The salaries of schoolteachers, doctors, social workers, engineers and technicians became Farzaneh 58 Vol. 6 No. 11 almost worthless. Young women in the big cities, who had enjoyed financial independence with a salary of around $400 a month a few years earlier, suddenly found that their real wages were reduced to less than $2 a month. Based on Security Council Resolution 986 of April 1996, Iraq signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the United Nations that aimed at securing the supply of the Iraqi population with essential food and other commodities in exchange for oil. Within the Oil-for-Food Programme, Iraq was allowed to sell oil and to import of food and other essential items. However, chronic malnutrition among adolescent girls and young mothers endangered both their and their children’s health and well-being. The high rate of anemia among pregnant women added to these risks. Consequently, the maternal mortality rate increased by 265% between 1990 and 1994. At the same time, however, women had to shoulder more economic responsibilities: between 1987 and 1992, the number of female employees in the service sector increased more than 6-fold, and in the industrial sector more than 1.6 fold. In May 2003 the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1483, lifting the long-standing discriminatory sanctions regime and providing an international framework for the reconstruction process. However, certain non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International are concerned over the reconstruction process and the issue why the resolution has placed insufficient independent oversight on the occupying powers and contained inadequate mechanisms of accountability to ensure that the reconstruction process delivers better protection of human rights. It is a fact that the particular needs of women especially the educational and health needs of women must be fully integrated into the process of change. Their full participation is a necessary pre-condition for any successful and peaceful rebuilding activities of Iraq, and it can be regarded as the best guarantee. CEDAW’s recommendations on status of women The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women considered the combined second and third periodic reports of Iraq (CEDAW/C/IRQ/2-3) at its 468th and 469th meetings, on 14 June 2000 (See CEDAW/C/SR.468 and 469). While mentioning in three paragraphs to some positive actions taken by the government of Iraq, the Committee referred to a long list of the principal areas of concern and A look the women’s movement in Iraq 59 Farzaneh recommendations, while taking into consideration the effects of sanctions and embargo are reflected in the difficult economic and social situation prevailing in the country, which has had repercussions on the advancement of women and on their socio-economic well-being. During the meeting, the representative of Iraqi government highlighted several measures introduced to ensure the advancement of women. They included the introduction, by the country' largest political party, of quotas to s increase the number of women at the decision-making level, which resulted in a marked increase in the number of women occupying leadership positions after the 1999 elections. Women at that time comprised 8 per cent of members of Parliament, a figure exceeding the Arab country average of 3 per cent. The personal status code had been made more equitable through reform of regulations on alimony payments for women, which had been further reinforced by criminal law. The penal code had also been amended to exclude women from detention for certain crimes. However, the main issues being noted by the Committee as the central points of concern were: Existence of discriminatory views and attitudes that impede women’s enjoyment of their rights and this important issue that the State party has not done anything about these kinds of views. Existence of discriminatory legislative provisions (creating a de facto environment for women). Criticism of the Article 19 subparagraph (a) and (b) that deals with the equality of women before the law which seems to be conditional in one way or another. Iraq' nationality law, which is based on the principle that the s members of a family should all have the same nationality and that none should have dual nationality or lose their nationality, does not grant women an independent right to acquire, change or retain their nationality or to pass it on to their children. Situation of particularly disadvantaged groups of women, especially women belonging to ethnic minorities, including Kurds, Turkmens and Assyrians. - - - Farzaneh 60 Vol. 6 No. 11 - Overall health situation of women. lack of a comprehensive approach to the issue of violence against women, especially honor killings. level of illiteracy among women, the increasing rate at which girls drop out of secondary and higher education, and the low representation of women in technical schools. Insufficient information about the implementation of the national strategy. The prevailing view that emphasizes women' stereotypical s role in the family and in private life to the detriment of establishing equality of women in all spheres of life. The Committee notes with concern that insufficient attention is being given to modifying harmful traditional and cultural practices, such as polygamy, and stereotypical attitudes that perpetuate discrimination against women. The continuing low representation of women in public life. Women' low participation in the labour market, the absence of s a law establishing minimum wages, which makes it extremely difficult to determine whether women are being paid equal pay for work of equal value, and also the flexibility granted to employers in labour relations has a negative impact on women' employability and security of employment. s Differences in maternity benefits granted to women in the public and the private sector. - - These points are so important for shaping any future strategy for the reconstruction of Iraq. Meanwhile, such reports are useful for determining the main areas of human rights violations and as Amnesty International holds, “This legacy of abuse will be a major factor in post-conflict Iraq. There is an urgent need to address past violations, investigate and bring to justice those found responsible for committing crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes, and provide compensation and restitution to victims.” A look the women’s movement in Iraq 61 Farzaneh The future Women, who are at least fifty-five percent of Iraq’s population, in this new situation, are facing structural challenges. During two decades, the society has been demolished, and now to improve the lives of Iraq’s women, there should be more strength and energy by Iraqi people. The most critical needs of Iraqi women should be identified, the priorities should be clarified. Maybe, a glance of the status of women in the last ten years teaches us to focus on educational needs and health care as the first priorities. It seems gender mainstreaming has to be considered as the main tools in planning the future of Iraq. From the other point, in absence of a sustainable democracy movement shaped from down to up by the people and not by the governing regimes, one can not anticipate what will happen now in Iraq. How much the civil society is powerful and how much the people will participate in the process of rebuilding the society. However, it seems that best way for women in Iraq is to shape their own movement – in their own local way based on the existing capacities - so that they can institutionalize their needs. Such a movement has never been self-initiated and it is time for women to move forward. The movement should find its own appropriate mechanisms to define itself. This can also affect the women’s movements in the region. The role of nongovernmental organizations in Iraq can be vital in this regard. However, those involved in the reconstruction of Iraq, should bear in mind that in absence of a powerful women’s movement in Iraq, women should be included in the planning of future Iraq. References and Bibliography Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender in Islam. New York and London: Yale University Press, 1992. Al-Ali, Nadje. “The Impact of Economic Sanctions on Women in Iraq”, The Institute of Arab & Islamic Studies, University of Exeter, UK (http://www.acttogether.org/impactonwomen.html) Al-Khayyat, Sana. Honour and Shame: Women in Modern Iraq. Saqi Books, 1990. Al-Hadithi, Naji (editor). The Revolution and Women in Iraq. Baghdad: Translation and Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1981. Farzaneh 62 Vol. 6 No. 11 Al-Sharqi, Amal. "The Emancipation of Iraqi Women," Iraq: The Contemporary State, edited by Tim Niblock, London: Croom Helm, 1982, pp. 74-87. Baram, Amazia, “The Ruling Political Elites in Baathi Iraq, 1968-1986: The Changing Features of a Collective Profile, International Journal of Middle East Studies 21 (1989): 447-493. Bhatia, Bela, M. Kawar, and M. Shahin, Unheard Voices: Iraqi Women on War and Sanctions, London: Change, 1992. Cainkar, Louise. "The Gulf War, sanctions and the livers of Iraqi women," Arab Studies Quarterly, 15, Spring 1993, pp. 15-51. Center for Middle East Scientific Research and Strategic Studies, CMESSRSS, 1988 Iraqi Women, (a pamphlet in Persian that has been prepared for the Center for Women’s Participation and that is going to be updated and published by Olive Leaf Publishing.) Cobbet, Deborah. "Women in Iraq," in Saddam's Iraq: Revolution or Reaction? edited by Committee Against Repression and for Democratic Rights in Iraq, London: Zed Books 1986, pp. 120-137. Farouk–Sluglett, Marion. “Liberation or Repression? Panarab Nationalism and the Women’s Movement in Iraq, ” in: Iraq: Power and Society, ed. Derek Hopwood, Habib Ishow and Thomas Koszinowski (Reading: Ithaca, 1993), 52–73. Freedman, Jennifer. “Women in Iraq,” American–Arab Affairs (1989) 29: 42–46. Suad Joseph, “Elite Strategies for State Building: Women, Family, Religion and the State in Iraq and Lebanon,“ in Women, Islam and the State, ed. Deniz Kandiyoti (London: MacMillan, 1991), 176–200. Ingrams, Doreen. The Awakened: Women in Iraq. London: Third World Centre, 1983. Ismael, Jacqueline S. and Ismael, Shereen. "Gender and state in Iraq," in Gender and citizenship in the Middle East, edited by Suad Joseph, Syracuse University Press, 2000, pp. 107-136. Joseph, Suad. "Elite strategies for state building: Women, family, religion and the state in Iraq and Lebanon," in Women, Islam and the state, edited A look the women’s movement in Iraq 63 Farzaneh by Deniz Kandiyoti, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991, pp. 176-200' . Joseph, Suad. "The mobilization of Iraqi women into the wage labour force," in Women and Politics in Twentieth Century Africa and Asia, 1981, pp. 69-90. Kamp, Martina. “Organizing Ideologies of Gender, Class and Ethnicity: The Pre–Revolutionary Women’s Movements in Iraq,” in Women and Gender in The Middle East: A Multidisciplinary Assessment of Theory and Research, ed. Sherifa Zuhur (in press). Masliyah, Sadok. “Zahawi: A Muslim Pioneer of Women’s Liberation” Middle Eastern Studies 32, 3 (July 1996): 161-171. Mojab, Sharzad. “’Honor Killing’: Culture, Politics and Theory,” Middle East Women’s Studies Review 17 (2002) 1/2: 1–7. Efrati, Noga. “Productive of Reproductive? The Roles of Iraqi Women during the Iraq–Iran War,”; Middle Eastern Studies 35 (1999) 2: 27–44. Omar, Suha. "Women: honour, shame and dictatorship," in Iraq Since the Gulf War: Prospects for Democracy, edited by Fran Hazelton, London: Zed Books, 1994, pp. 60-71. Rassam, Amal. "Political ideology and women in Iraq: Legislation and Cultural constraints," Journal of Developing Societies, vol. 8, 1992, pp. 82-95. Rassam, Amal. "Revolution within revolution? Women and the state in Iraq," in Iraq: The Contemporary State, edited by Tim Niblock, London: Croom Helm, 1982, pp. 88-99. Rassam, Amal. “Revolution within the Revolution? Women in the State in Iraq,“ in Iraq: The Contemporary State, ed. Tim Niblock (London: Croom Helm, 1982), 88–99; Doreen Ingrams, The Awakended: Women in Iraq (London: Third World Centre, 1983). Rohde, Achim. “Gender and Nationalism: Discourses on Women and Femininity in the Iraqi Press, 1968–98,“ unverff. Magisterarbeit, Universitat Hamburg, 1999 Zainab Bahrani, Women of Babylon, Gender and Representation in Mesopotamia, First published 2001, Routledge, New York, USA. Farzaneh 64 Vol. 6 No. 11 Acknowledgement: The author is very thankful to those who assisted him for their notes and the resources on Iraq sent by email, especially Amir Hassanpour, Assistant Professor of Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations (University of Toronto, Canada), Nadje Al-Ali, Max Dashu from Global Women’s Studies, Sondra Hale from University of California (Los Angeles), Minke Valk from the Information Severices of KIT (Royal Tropical Institute) in Amsterdam (The Netherlands), Dr Raia Masri, Director of Southern Peace Research and Education Center at the Institute for Southern Studies, Durham, North Carolina, and at last, Martina Kamp from the Center for Interdisciplinary Research on Women and Gender (Carl von Ossietzky University of Oldenburg) in Germany. And internet websites : Encyclopedia of the Orient, section on history of Iraq, and also International Action Center (web: http://www.iacenter.org), and Aviva.org. 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